Out of the hundreds of amendments
proposed to the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), the defense policy bill
on the floor of the U.S. Senate, one amendment put forth by Senators Kristin
Gillibrand (D) and Susan Collins (R) has stood out in particular. It captured the media’s attention for two
reasons:
First,
these senators have now charged into the debate over how to craft policy
addressing people who identify as transgender.
And
second, these senators have linked arms across the aisle to directly oppose
President Trump’s ban on transgender persons in the military.
The problem with the
Gillibrand-Collins proposal to prohibit “discrimination on the basis of gender
identity” in the military is that they create a whole new set of problems by
mischaracterizing concerns about the military’s affirmation of transgender
identity. Just vague enough to sound
harmless, this portion of the Gillibrand-Collins amendment purports to outlaw
discrimination against current service members “solely on the basis of the
member’s gender identity.”
Much like the Sexual Orientation and
Gender Identity (SOGI) laws popping up around the country, the
Gillibrand-Collins amendment makes “gender identity” into a protected class within
the military. This action would legally
equate gender identity, which is subjective and unverifiable, with objective
and unchangeable traits like race.
Gillibrand and Collins’ proposed
“solution” completely ignores the fact that the military doesn’t actually care
about its members’ gender identities. The
military is not the thought police. The
military does care about the consequences of trying to change oneself into
something one is not. This includes the
host of privacy concerns for female service members who wouldn’t feel
comfortable sharing close sleeping and bathing quarters with anatomical males;
protections for doctors and psychiatrists who don’t think that sex reassignment
is a good way to treat gender dysphoria; religious freedom protections for
chaplains who don’t believe in affirming a transgender lifestyle; and of course
all of the money spent on sex reassignment surgery and cross-sex hormone
therapy for members who are then unable to deploy for well over 200-days.
A transgender Army veteran even notes
the unfairness of a biological male identifying as a woman then outperforming
the biological females in physical fitness tests, which then affects the
promotion system.
As others have noted, the most
important issue at stake here is whether recruiting and retaining transgender service
members hurts or helps military readiness.
While it is true that our military
needs more personnel to serve, and respects the bravery of anyone who wants to
make that sacrifice, there are many, many medical conditions that disqualify
well-intentioned volunteers from serving. Asthma and diabetes, for example, are
conditions that would hinder a member’s ability to deploy, fight, and win in
the commonly harsh battlefields; where there is no room in the medic bag for
injections, and no ready treatment for asthma attacks.
Moreover, the higher levels of
psychological distress among people who identify as transgender should be taken
seriously before admitting them into military life. As the director of the Center for National Defense
at The Heritage Foundation put it recently:
“Some
studies report that transgender individuals attempt suicide and experience
psychological distress at rates many times the U.S. national average. To be clear, this is self-reported data, not
data gleaned from rigorously controlled, clinical tests. But at this time, these survey results are the
best available data. It would be both
irresponsible and immoral to place such individuals in a position where they
are exposed to the additional extraordinary stresses and pressures of the
battlefield.”
In other words, our military’s duty to
spend resources in a manner that best protects our country — as well as the
privacy, professional, conscience, and religious rights of many more service men
and women — will be branded as discrimination on the basis of gender identity
and thrown out the window.
This is exactly what is happening
across the country under similar SOGI laws. These laws do not stop real discrimination against
people who identify as transgender. They
only criminalize and stigmatize good people who are caught in the crosshairs
when a man tries to live as if he were a woman and a woman tries to live as if
she were a man.
If Republican senators are wise, they
will not even let this amendment come to a vote. Should they be as spineless as the 24-Republican
representatives who voted against Rep. Hartzler’s amendment to stop the Pentagon
from paying for controversial sex-reassignment surgeries, they will be attaching
a dangerous provision to a must-pass bill — a provision that can turn thousands
of good, intelligent, and faithful military members into the legal equivalent
of racist bigots.
As Trump’s directive stated, Secretary
of Defense Mattis is currently awaiting feedback from a study and military
advisors before deciding how to address current service members who wish to
live and work as the opposite sex. Rather
than allowing this reasonable policy process to proceed, the Gillibrand-Collins
amendment would suppress debate and lock the military into harmful policy. [read my blog posting of Friday, August 11,
2017 – “Trump’s Transgender Ban in
Military is Unfair, But Correct”]
So far, the media has gleefully
headlined this amendment as a bipartisan one in order to make it seem less controversial
than it really is — and the GOP Senate would be absolutely foolish to believe
this spin. When the people who put
President Trump in office see these headlines, however, they read that Republicans
are joining the Democrat crusade to obstruct the mandate they gave to Trump and
his agenda. New reports on Trump voters
are emerging all the time, and two very clear conclusions can be drawn: (1) President
Trump is still more popular than Congress, and (2) the future of the Republican
Party lies with social conservatives, not moderate sell-outs.
For those Republican senators who
can’t yet bring themselves to face this fact, it will be best if they don’t
even allow this Gillibrand-Collins amendment to come to a vote, lest they go on
record voting for this anti-Trump, anti-American, anti-freedom, anti-common sense
amendment. If they do, though, we’ll have
their names.
Rev.
Dr. Kenneth L. Beale, Jr.
Chaplain
(Colonel-Ret), U.S. Army
Pastor,
Ft. Snelling Memorial Chapel